中共黨史里的有些內容就是不能對老百姓講
（中文在英文稿的後面）
The Coverup of the CCP’s History
The Chinese communist regime is not legitimate. From the time the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949 up until today, between 65 and 80 million people have been killed or died unnatural deaths at the hands of the Chinese Communist Party.
The regime knows it is not legitimate, and thus the desire to ever tighten its grip on Hong Kong, religious freedom, and its Tibetan and Muslim minorities.
Even after 70 years in power, the government still does not trust its own people. There is no freedom of speech and information in China. Chinese people do not have access to “State secrets” – the Chinese Communist Party’s killing history.
Today, I want to introduce the leaked internal minutes from a discussion of a speech delivered by Xi Jinping at the Education and Research Department of the Central Party School on July 24, 2010, prior to Xi’s ascendency to PRC President and CCP General Secretary. The moderator of the discussion is Vice President Shi of the Central Party School. Participants included 14 professors and doctorate advisors.
In the discussion, the panelists displayed their grasp of the “spirit of Xi Jinping’s words”, which lay out justification for the limits placed on the officially sanctioned public understanding of the CCP’s history. But at the same time, their narration leaked some “state secrets” of the Communist Party’s history that ordinary people are not allowed to know.
Welcome to KSJ-Bridging the gap. This is Sara. Before we go one with this episode, please subscribe, like and comment. And don’t forget to turn on your notification bell.
Vice president Shi started the meeting and said: Our university president, Politburo Standing Committee member, and Vice President Comrade Xi Jinping’s speech at our campus was extremely important. It pointed out the direction and the formulation of principles for our future Party history teaching and research, for publicity and publication as well. For our future path, we must have a clear direction, we must abide by the principles and take the right path. Everyone knows, over the past year, there has been some confusion over how to handle questions about the history of the Chinese Communist Party, mainly about whether or not to clarify some controversial issues in history, how to evaluate the controversial issues, what can be referred to while teaching, what can be divulged to the public, what can be published, whether our faculty members have access to confidential archives, whether the implicated parties are allowed to be interviewed, what can be used for scientific research topics and considered as research results and linked to personal professional titles and salaries, etc. I think President Xi’s speech has basically solved these problems. Our work is to unswervingly safeguard the Party’s interests and support the Party’s leadership. We must do everything based on these two points. We must resolutely refuse anything– not to think, to say, to write or to do anything – that degrades the glorious image of our Party.
Comrades, please share your thoughts.
Prof. Luo: I firmly endorse the spirit of Comrade Xi Jinping’s speech, especially because our Party school is not an ordinary one, it is the Central Party school. Our students are not ordinary students, they make up the backbone of our Party. Our task is to make these students the nucleus of the backbone, and to make them believe that our Party has always been standing for the Three Represents since the day it was founded, and that it has always been correct in directing the development of the nation for the past 80 years. This must not be vague at all. If a student asks certain historical questions, especially about some negative things, how do we respond? I think we can respond that it’s due to someone’s mistakes, it happened temporarily at that special time period. Our Party has also been through a learning process. We must also stress that opportunists and overly ambitious members might have once interfered with the great direction of our Party, but we have defeated them. Our victory further indicates the great glory and correctness of our Party.
Prof. Wang: Some historical materials of our Party definitely cannot be made public to the common people. Why? Isn’t there a saying that the masses have the “right to know”? Yes, that is one aspect. Another aspect is, our Party also has the right to confidentiality. All countries and parties have secrets that cannot be made public, and moreover disallow inquiries. While individuals have the right to privacy, the Party also has the right to privacy. That right cannot be infringed upon. If some of our Party’s secrets are made known to the ordinary people, it will definitely cause ideological confusion and lead to doubt over the legitimacy of our Party’s power. That would become a chaos. Once there is a chaos, how can a society be harmonious, how can the economy develop, and how can the livelihood of people be improved? The clearest example is the turmoil in 1989. We of course can’t talk about it anymore, because it can’t be explained clearly. Insisting on speaking of it will only peel the scars, which may hurt and bleed. We didn’t speak of it. Look at how well the development has been in the past two decades. Parents don’t talk about it, schools don’t talk about it, so our young people don’t become aware. This is good for everyone. Also, during the three difficult years in 1959, 1960, and 1961, if you officially tell the commoners that 38 million people died of starvation and thousands of villages became uninhabited villages during the period when our Party was in control, it would be dreadful. More Chinese were killed in starvation than by the Japanese, even more efficiently, easily, and without losing soldiers. After the mass learn the truth, they can’t accept and there will be rebellion. Therefore, we say that Party history must have a bottom line. If you cross the bottom line, you break the rules and must be punished. This is what Comrade Xi Jinping meant in his address.
Prof. Ren: I just don’t understand why some people always attempted to clarify historical matters of our Party with their own conclusions in publications and lectures. We say you must look forward and stop getting entangled in history. Don’t speak, it is better for everyone. Chinese people are smart, and one manifestation of their intelligence is to recognize a truth – “sometimes better not to get to the bottom of the truth”. All leaders, doctoral supervisors, and professors present here, we are the teaching and research personnel of our Party history in the Party school. Our interests are inseparately linked with the interests of the Party, a glory for one is a glory for all, a loss for one is a loss for all. We all have spiritual wealth, senior titles, and social status. Our material wealth has also substantially increased compared to 20 years ago- housing, cars, home appliances, holidays, medical insurance, savings, ample food and clothing, retirement benefits. Many of us have houses ready for children and even grandchildren. If you die, your work unit will cover your funeral service. I have been abroad and have been to developed countries. Our material life here is no less than in other countries, all thanks to our Party, to which we are inseparably linked, as close as fish to water. It’s nothing but not talking about some matters in history, right? Weigh the pros and cons, it’s better not to bring it up. Premier Zhou (Enlai) once said that there are some internal Party things that can’t be discussed till after death. Insist on talking about negative things in Party history is like shooting yourself in the foot and messing up the minds of the masses. Once there is confusion, everything is finished, just as it was during the Cultural Revolution. So, we must not just speak casually. This is also in line with the interests of the broad masses. In fact, the masses don’t need to know everything about the Party’s history. Let’s not fake our passion.
Prof. Guo: Let me just bring up the case of the War of Resistance Against Japan. We have known for decades and generations that our Party launched the Long March in 1934, climbing the snow-capped mountains and crossing the grassland in order to going north and fight against the Japanese. After arriving in Shanbei, the Party became the cornerstone of the War of Resistance Against the Japanese. Under its leadership for eight years, people across the country defeated the Japanese invaders. We have also condemned the Kuomintang (KMT) government, as said in the lyrics of ShaJiabang, the Peking opera, that “KMT reactionaries betrayed the country and sought for glory. They did not resist or falsely resist Japan, but truly opposed the Communist Party.” These have been deeply rooted in the hearts of the Chinese people, and people all over the country believe in this propaganda. However, some Party history teachers and researchers have somehow got access to the Party’s decision at the 1937 Luochuan meeting in Shanbei. At that time, our Party formulated a strategic policy during the War of Resistance against Japan, that is, stay out of large-scale frontal conflicts with the Japanese army and preserve our strength and expand our force, letting the KMT fight with the Japanese. After both sides were injured and after waiting till the Japanese withdrew, the Communist Party was able to take the opportunity and seize power throughout the country. Chairman Mao clearly stated the following two points when the Japanese Prime Minister visited China in the 1970s. First, without Japan’s invasion of China, the CCP would have definitely been wiped out by the KMT. When the Japanese came, the KMT had to deal with the Japanese and did not have extra strength to fight us. So, we were able to expand and seize power. Second, we want to thank Japan for its invasion of China. Without Japan’s invasion of China, there wouldn’t be a CCP today, so our gratitude is sincere. Think about it, can these two things be casually publicized, letting the commoners know? If we do, the commoners will say that the Communist Party has played a role in a conspiracy and deceived the people of the whole country for decades. Are there more secrets that the CCP has hidden from us? Therefore, what should not be talked about must not be talked about, and what should not be acknowledged must not be acknowledged.
Han: Some people say that the 30-year Party history during 1949 to 1979 is very difficult to discuss. I share the same idea. We need to promote the great glory of our Party, but there are not many good things that can be publicized during this period. But as long as we study hard and deeply comprehend the spirit of President Xi’s speech, it won’t be that hard to accomplish this task. We are not officials and we do not have the executive power in the Party and government. When you have such power, people will have to believe what is said whether or not they truly believe it or agree with it. As teachers and mentors, we must have confidence in ourselves in order to convince people with reasons. We have gone through so many ups and downs, but we are still here. Follow the trend and keep up with the times. We are able to become today’s professors and doctoral supervisors, indicating that we have the ability to adapt to the new circumstances, accomplish new tasks, and write persuasive articles and teaching modules. Another advantage we have is that our students are the best among Party cadres who have received the essence of the Party during years of education. They understand discipline, to be consistent with the Central Committee, especially the guiding ideology. They will not be drawn to misguided practices and ideas. They listen to what we say, and they won’t give us any trouble.
President Xi asked us to stick to the mainline in Party history. What is the mainline in the three decades from 1949 to 1979? That is, we had adhered to the path towards socialism, to the Party’s leadership, to Marxism-Leninism, and all the people across the country were united as they followed the Party without division. And we had overcome unimaginable difficulties and laid the foundation for rapid development in the past three decades. Following this mainline, there will be no problems and no refutations. Specifically, everyone here has extraordinary brains, so I believe everyone can handle it well.
Hu: Two years ago, I saw an article attacking our Party, saying that the Party relied on guns and pens to seize power and to maintain power after our Party came to power. According to the article, the guns were used to suppress the spontaneous movement of the people, and the pens were used to spread rumors, to distort, to cover up the truth of history. Which country does not rely on guns to maintain its power? Police in the Western countries all carry arms. Police are used instead of the army to maintain power. Our police do not carry arms and we use armed police or the army in times of crisis, which is essentially the same. As for the pens, I think they are more important than the guns today. Our country is different from the Western countries where people have formed a habit over the years, involuntarily accepting the words of politicians and the viewpoints of various publications. Everyone can speak freely. No matter how bad you talk about the ruling party, they will remain in power until the next election. No matter how well you think of the opposition party, they can’t come into power till the next election. Our national conditions are not the same. During the years after the founding of the People’s Republic of China, regardless of what our Party said, the common people all believed it to be true. If anyone said that the Party had made a mistake, the whole country would condemn him and punish him. This was the success of our propaganda work, the effect of the pens. This is the tradition that we cannot discard.
Nowadays, ordinary people still believe but they believe credulously. What do they easily believe? They believe in any information that is unfavorable to our Party. And the information spreads quickly, one commoner will pass it to ten, then ten to a hundred, and then make it into a rebellion. Thus, there is no need for the government to disclose some internal information. As long as a professor or a celebrity cites a few negative examples, everyone believes them. The bad effect caused by one sentence of one person cannot be restored by explaining with a hundred sentences. Under such circumstances, we can’t let people know anything in our Party history that have never been publicly acknowledged. If you admit to one, they will come up with ten more, and you will be in an awkward situation. As the saying goes, “Good news never passes the gate while bad news travels far and wide.” As soon as you talk about such things, you won’t be able to end, and in the end it will become a disaster. Therefore, I fully endorse President Xi’s speech, the spirit of which tells us to say what must be said, and not to say what shouldn’t be said.
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中央黨校黨史教研部學習習近平講話座談會紀要2010年7月24日
主持人：石副校長；參加人：羅，王，李，馮，任，郭，韓，王，胡，謝，程，陳，柳，曹等教授，博導14人。
主持人：我校校長，政治局常委，國家副主席習近平同志在我校的講話極為重要，為我們今後的黨史教學與研究，宣傳與出版工作指明了方向，制定了原則，指出了道路。今後，我們一定要明確方向，遵守原則，走上正路。大家知道，今年來，我們在如何對待中共黨史問題上出現了一些混亂，主要問題是是否要把我黨歷史上的一些有爭議的事情搞清楚，有爭議的問題怎樣評價，教學中講不講，對社會上是否透露，是否出版，是否允許我們的教員接觸機密檔案材料，是否允許採訪當事人，能否作為科研課題，算不算科研成果，是不是與個人職稱待遇掛鈎等等。我看習校長的講話把這些問題基本上都解決了。我們的一切工作就是要堅定不移地維護黨的利益，維護黨的領導地位，要做到這兩點，我們要做到凡是有損我黨光輝形象的事堅決不想，堅決不說，堅決不寫，堅決不做。下面請同志們發言。
羅：我是堅決擁護習近平同志的講話精神的，特別是在我們黨校，不是一般的黨校，是中央黨校。我們的學員不是一般的學員，都是我黨的中堅骨幹分子。我們的任務就是讓這些學員更中堅，更骨幹，讓他們相信我們黨從成立那天開始就是三個代表，近八十年來大方向一貫正確，這一點絕不能含糊。如果有學員問到歷史上的某些問題，特別是一些負面東西，我們怎樣回答？我想，就講是某些人的失誤，是一時一事，我們黨也有個學習過程。還要強調個別的機會主義分子，野心家也會干擾我黨的大方向，但我們戰勝了他們，更說明我黨的偉大光榮正確。
王：我們黨史中的一些史料就是不能對老百姓公開。為什麼？不是說群眾有知情權嗎？對，那是一方面。另一方面，我們黨也有保密權。哪個國家，哪個黨都有不能公開的秘密，而且不許探聽。個人有隱私權，黨也有隱私權，不能侵權。我們黨的一些隱私如果讓老百姓知道了，肯定會造成思想上的混亂，會懷疑我們黨執政的合法性，那就亂了。一亂，社會怎能和諧，經濟怎能發展，老百姓生活怎能提高？最明顯的例子就是89年那場風波，我們就是不能再講了，因為說不清，非要講就是揭傷疤，更疼，還要流血。我們不講，你們看，這二十年發展得多好。父母不講，學校不講，青年人不知道，這對大家都好。還有，59，60，61年三年困難時期，你要是正式告訴老百姓我黨執政時期，三年裡餓死三千八百萬人，成千上萬的村莊成了無人村，哪還了得了！比日本人殺中國人還多，還省事，還省時，還省錢，還不用犧牲自己人。老百姓聽了這些非反了不行。所以我們講黨史要有底線，越過底線就犯規，就要受懲罰。習近平同志的意思也是這個。
任：我就是不明白為什麼有些人非得要將歷史上的事情搞得清清楚楚，加上自己的結論，還非得要出版，要講課。我們說要向前看，不要再糾纏在歷史舊帳上了。不說，對大家都有好處。中國人聰明，表現之一就是認識到一個真理「難得糊塗」。在座的各位領導，博導，教授，我們是黨校黨史教學科研人員，我們的利益與黨的利益緊密相連，一榮俱榮，一損俱損。我們都有了精神方面的財富，有高級職稱，有社會地位。我們的物質財富也比二十年前大幅提高，住房，汽車，家電，假期，醫療保障，有存款，豐衣足食，離退休保障，不少人給孩子，甚至孫子的房子都準備好了，你死了單位還出錢開追悼會。我也出過國，到過已開發國家，我們在座的諸位的物質生活不比人家差。這些都是因為有了我們的黨，我們又與黨緊密相連，這就叫魚水情。不就是不讓你說點歷史上的事嗎，權衡一下利弊，還是不說為佳。周總理曾經說過，黨內的事，有些到死都不能說。你要是非講黨史上的負面事情，那才叫搬起石頭砸自己的腳，而且把群眾的思想搞亂了。一亂，什麼都完了，像文革那樣。所以我們不能隨便講，這也是符合廣大群眾的利益。本來群眾也沒非要知道一些事，一些黨史實情，咱們也不要故作多情非講不可。
郭：我就僅舉一個例子，抗日戰爭。我們幾十年來，幾代人都知道，都相信我黨1934年進行了長征，爬雪山過草地，目的就是北上抗日。到達陝北後成為抗日戰爭的中流砥柱，領導全國人民抗戰八年，打敗了日本侵略者。我們也一直譴責國民黨政府，像京劇沙家浜里說的「國民黨反動派賣國求榮，不抵抗，假抗日，真反共，委曲求全，為虎作倀」。這些已經深入人心，全國人民也都相信這個宣傳。可是現在有的黨史教研人員不知通過誰的關係看到了我黨1937年陝北洛川會議決定，當時我黨制定了抗戰時期的戰略方針，即不與日軍做大規模正面衝突，保存實力，積蓄力量，擴充隊伍，讓國民黨去和日本人打，兩敗俱傷，待日本人撤離後，共產黨可趁機奪取全國政權。毛主席在上世紀七十年代接見來華訪問的日本首相時清楚地說明了兩點，第一，沒有日本侵華，中共肯定會被國民黨消滅了，你們一來，國民黨只好先放過我們，去打日本人，我們趁機坐大並奪取了政權。第二，我們要感謝日本侵華，沒有日本侵華就沒有中共的今天，所以我們的感謝是真誠的。大家說說，這兩件事能隨便就公開承認，讓老百姓知道嗎？否則老百姓就會說你共產黨真會耍陰謀，騙了全國人民幾十年，幾代人，你中共還有很多事瞞著我們吧？所以，不該講的一定不能講，不該承認的一定不能承認。
韓：有人說從1949年到1979年這三十年黨史非常不好講。我承認這個。因為要宣傳我黨的偉大光榮正確，可是這段時期可大肆宣傳的好事不多。但是只要我們認真學習，深刻領會習校長的講話精神，這事也不難做到。我們不是幹部，沒有黨政大權，你有了權，別人不信也得信，不服也得服。我們是教員，是導師，要以理服人，首先要自信。我們經歷過那麼多的大起大落，沒被淘汰，隨風就勢，與時俱進，能做到今天的教授，博導，說明我們有能力適應新環境，完成新任務，能寫出有說服力的文章和講義。我們的另一個優勢是學員都是受黨教育多年的幹部中的精華，他們懂紀律，懂得與中央保持一致，而且是思想上的一致。他們不會往歪門邪道上想，我們講什麼他們就聽什麼，不會給我們出難題。習校長要我們講黨史要講主流，49至79年這三十年的主流是什麼？就是我們堅持了社會主義道路，堅持了黨的領導，堅持了馬列主義，全國人民團結一心聽黨的話，沒有分裂，克服了無法想像的困難，為後三十年的高速發展打下了基礎。按照這個主線講就沒問題，誰也駁不倒。具體怎樣講，大家都有不尋常大腦，我相信都能講好。
胡：前兩年我看到一篇攻擊我黨的文章，說我的奪取政權靠的是槍桿子和筆桿子，我黨當政後維持政權靠的還是這兩桿子。文章意思是說，一是靠槍桿子武力鎮壓民眾自發運動，二是用筆桿子造謠，歪曲，篡改，掩蓋歷史真相。哪個國家維護政權不靠槍桿子？西方國家警察都帶槍，用警察代替軍隊維護政權。我國警察不帶槍，形勢危急時動用武警或軍隊，實質上都是一樣的。筆桿子這一條，我覺得現在比槍桿子還重要。我國與西方國家不同，人家多年來養成了習慣，不隨意相信政客們的講話，不隨意相信各種出版物的觀點，大家隨便講。你把執政黨講得再壞，人家選上來的，還是下不了台。你把在野黨說得再好，大家不選你，你也上不了台。我們的國情就不同了。建國後，不管我黨說什麼，老百姓都認為是真理，誰要說黨出了錯，全國人民都要共討之，共誅之。這就是我們宣傳的功績，是筆桿子的作用，這個傳統不能丟。現在呢，老百姓還是相信，或者叫輕信，信什麼？專信那些對我黨不利的消息，一傳十，十傳百，一呼百應，然後鬧事。在這種情況下，不用政府公布一些內情，只要有個教授，有個名人舉出一點負面例子，大家就相信，他說一句話造成的惡劣影響我們說一百句也挽回不了。在這種國情下，就不能給老百姓講什麼我黨歷史上的，從未公開承認的所謂事情了。你承認一件，他們又拿出十件來問你，你就下不來台了。俗話說好事不出門，壞事傳千里，這樣講下去沒個頭了，最後變成罄竹難書了。因此我舉雙手贊成習校長的講話，他的講話精神就是該講就講，不該講的就不能講。
來源：中國數字空間
阿波羅網
